By Grant F. Smith

Audiobook version available at Youtube and Audible
Paperbacks available at Middle East Books & More and
Author speaking or media requests call 202-342-7325 or email info at
Support this and other IRmep content with a donation via Network for Good or Paypal


Where did VIAB Come From? Jewish Federations and Citizen Lobbyists

There's no state that has an agency that is funded by the state. There’s [sic] probably 20 states that have some type of Israel-America Chamber of Commerce. … but it's nothing that’s funded by the state. It's got a little bit of gravitas. But it doesn't have the gravitas if the state doesn’t do anything about it. Dov Hoch, Executive Director of the Virginia Israel Advisory Board[1]

The organized Jewish community in Virginia began to forge ties between the state government and Israel in earnest in the mid-1980s. This was a period of immense economic difficulty within Israel’s economy. At the national level, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee worked to unilaterally lower all tariffs against Israeli products entering the United States, thinking exports could provide a boost to the ailing Israeli agricultural and manufacturing industries. It pushed what was billed as the first modern “free trade agreement” through Congress. The FTA kept U.S. companies locked out of Israel’s market while unilaterally dropping U.S. tariffs.

In Virginia, the “Virginia Israel Commission” emerged in 1986 to promote deeper bilateral economic ties to Israel. In 1988 Governor Gerald Baliles signed a formal agreement with Israel, but the commission's activities dwindled until 1995. That year Governor George Allen created the new Virginia-Israel Partnership to focus additional resources on promoting trade as well as art, education and general government.”[2] But yet another executive agreement didn’t have adequate legal underpinnings to institutionalize a permanent body dedicated to improving Israel’s economy from within Virginia state government. Virginia-Israel ties were subject to shifting political winds and drift. That all stopped with the arrival on the scene by Eric Cantor.

Eric Cantor’s most widely known achievements came from his time in the U.S. congress as a stalwart promoter of Israel and his almost becoming the first Jewish Speaker of the House. As Cantor worked his way into the position of House Majority Leader, he labored mightily to cut off all U.S. foreign assistance to Palestinians. In meetings with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Cantor pledged that Republicans would “serve as a check” on any Obama administration pressure on Israel. Cantor was ultimately ousted in 2014 in a surprising upset by tea party candidate David Brat.

Before he took to the national stage, Cantor served in the Virginia House of Delegates between 1992 to 2001 representing the 73rd district, a corner northwest of Richmond. In 1996, Cantor helped pass legislation creating a permanent new executive agency within the Virginia’s Governor’s office, the Virginia-Israel Advisory Board, as chronicled by Washington Jewish Week:

The father of the advisory board was then-delegate and later House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.), who proposed the body in 1996. The board consists of 31 members, most of whom are volunteers.[3]

Arguably, VIAB’s creation may have been a more permanent accomplishment for Israel than any of Cantor’s later achievements in the U.S. House of Representatives. But what exactly is VIAB?

VIAB’s Original Advisory Board Charter

VIAB’s original charter shared common themes of its predecessor organizations. It was to “advise the Governor on ways to improve economic and cultural links between the Commonwealth and the State of Israel, with a focus on the areas of commerce and trade, art and education, and general government.”

Unlike its predecessors, VIAB had permanence and functioned within the office of the governor between 1996 and 2018 and had a salaried executive director, a small state-funded annual budget and additional support from the governor’s staff.

VIAB’s board members were volunteers appointed by either the governor, state senate or the state house. Under law, four of the 29-citizen members were required to be drawn from four Virginia-based Jewish community federations. Jewish federations are fundraising and citizen lobbying operations present in every major U.S. population center. In 2012 federations raised $947 million, had nearly 8,000 employees and nearly 60,000 volunteers.[4] They functioned within a larger $3.4 billion Israel affinity ecosystem of organizations subsidizing Israel ($2 billion), conducting pro-Israel advocacy ($400 million), and engaging in education as defined by federations ($317 million). [5]

Federations and their internal, usually integrated Jewish Community Relations Councils exert coordinated pressure on the local news media, influencers, and members of state legislatures. Little of it is visible, and key to their success is lack of public awareness. Douglas Bloomfield is a former AIPAC lobbyist once investigated by the FBI for his role while working at AIPAC in the 1984 theft of American corporate trade secrets in league with an Israeli diplomat that helped produce America’s worst bilateral trade deal.[6] Bloomfield sounded an alarm over the potentially negative impact of an Obama administration proposal that would have called for public disclosure of the actual amount of meetings—as opposed to reported expenditures on—federation JCRC citizen lobbying, writing that:

The president’s proposal to ‘require lobbyists to disclose each contact’ may result in treating ‘citizen lobbying’ by groups such as local Jewish community relations councils the same as corporate and labor interests. The proposals in Obama’s State of the Union address to ‘require lobbyists to disclose each contact’ with Congress or the administration on behalf of a client will create an avalanche of paperwork for the small groups that can least afford it. On the surface the president did not call for restricting the activities of unpaid volunteers who engage in grassroots lobbying for nonprofit groups, which is critical for most Jewish charitable organizations. But that could be the result if he succeeds in removing the current exemption from registration for groups where less than one- fifth of the lobbyist’s time is spent lobbying.

Disclosure: I am biased. I’ve spent many years lobbying, mostly for Jewish organizations and causes. They depend on a grassroots network of deeply committed, well-informed citizen lobbyists; many are also campaign contributors, which already requires detailed reporting to the Federal Election Commission. In this era of gotcha politics and 24/7 cable media, it’s easy to imagine a report of lobbyist contacts being used by an incumbent’s opponents to attack him or her as a tool of the special interests. Some lawmakers may be hounded into also producing lists of unpaid / unregistered lobbyists, including constituents, they meet, even though there are no plans to require such disclosure, according to a source close to the White House. That could easily inhibit the willingness of lawmakers to meet …with constituents and discourage participation by citizen lobbyists who fear becoming public targets.

The four Jewish federations statutorily empowered to provide unpaid volunteers to VIAB’s board are the Jewish Community Federation of Richmond,[7] the Jewish Community Relations Council of Greater Washington,  United Jewish Federation of Tidewater, and the United Jewish Community of the Virginia Peninsula. They raise approximately $33.6 million per year. In comparison, United Way campaigns in Virginia, according to the sum of their most recently available filings, raise about $100 million annually in the state, with the Richmond United Way alone contributing $19 million.



Revenues (million)



Jewish Community Federation of Richmond (Figures include the co-located Richmond Jewish Foundation)




Jewish Community Relations Council and Federation of Greater Washington.[8]





United Jewish Federation of Tidewater
(Virginia Beach)




United Jewish Community of The Virginia Peninsula (Newport News, figures include endowment.)










Virginia Jewish federation fundraising, employees and volunteers

Like other such Jewish federations operating across the nation, Virginia’s are very heavily politically involved in advocating for Israel. They raise funds for direct transfers to “friends of Israel” charities that send funds on to Israeli universities, nonprofits, and other such entities. On the politics front, they host candidate forums which pit competitors from the same party to “out-support Israel” each other.

Like other Jewish federations, these charities uniformly claim to the IRS on annual tax returns that they do not engage in any “direct or indirect political campaign activities” or any lobbying activities. But the federations providing board members to VIAB are extremely politically active, as well as their donors and administrators. They are the reason VIAB exists.

The official mission of a Jewish federation is to enhance Jewish communal life. The mission of the Jewish Community Federation of Richmond, for example, is to:

interest itself in all matters pertaining to the Jewish community in the city of Richmond and its vicinity and in and outside of the Commonwealth of Virginia, and to be helpful in such ways as are to the best interest of all persons of the Jewish faith.[9]

But their quiet activities have state-wide ramifications. Early in 2018, the Virginia federations attempted to ram through a series of controversial changes to Virginia K-12 textbooks with the help of a California based Israel advocacy organization called the "Institute for Curriculum Services." Their proposed edits to McGraw Hill, Prentice Hall, National Geographic and other publisher textbooks demanded they teach students that Israel does not occupy any foreign territory and that Arabs alone have been responsible for all crisis initiation in Middle East conflicts, among other false claims. The federation letters accompanying packets of proposed changes leveraged their presumed influence, affirming that, “we know ICS looks forward to working with all of the publishers to make appropriate edits to the texts.”[10]

The federations were quiet about their initiative, submitting change requests[11] by cover letter to the Virginia Department of Education and pages of supporting documentation right before a deadline for community input on the state textbook adoption process.[12]


Virginia Jewish federation and ICS proposed changes to the Pearson World History and Geography textbook

Virginia’s Other Advisory Boards

Virginia is home to other advisory boards, but none come even close to the power and influence of VIAB. The Virginia Latino Advisory Board was formed in 2005 to advise the governor on “economic, professional, cultural, educational, and governmental links between the Commonwealth of Virginia, the Latino community in Virginia, and Latin America.” While VIAB directly mandates one leader or designee from four establishment Jewish federations have a position on VIAB’s board, VLAB is even more direct. Fifteen of its twenty-one non-legislative citizen members, according to its enabling state law, “shall be of Latino descent.”

VLAB’s programs are those of an economically and politically challenged population making up nine percent of Virginians. It works on legislation to increase affordable housing, decrease evictions, and create more diversity in state government employment. They are not political players in the campaign contribution arena. The total campaign contributions of VLAB board members 2017-2018 amount to less than $10,000.

The Virginia Asian Advisory Board, formed in 2001, has a similar mission, representing close to 600,000 Virginians of Asian descent. Its mission includes forging economic ties with Pacific Rim nations, a vastly less focused endeavor than VIAB’s mission. The group hosted a 2017 summit at George Mason University called “Advocating for the Interests of Asians Across the Commonwealth.” The group urged increased trade with Asian countries, greater civic engagement but also basic needs such as help overcoming barriers to education and English proficiency. VAAB board members made $32,000 in 2017-2018 campaign contributions. Eleven of VAAB’s 21 members must “be of Asian descent” according to the law that created it.

The most recent entry into Virginia’s community advisory boards was the formation of the Virginia African American Advisory Board in 2019. In an understatement, Delegate Lamont Bagby said, “The creation of this board is far overdue.” Representing 20 percent of the state’s population, fifteen members of the 21 legislatively appointed citizen members of the board, “must be African American.” Between the years 2020 and 2025, the Virginia Department of Planning and Budget estimates the office won’t have expenditures greater than $8,400 annually.[13]

This community has no museum to educate fellow Virginians about the state’s role in the enslavement and exploitation of African Americans. Lawrence Douglas Wilder is a lawyer who became the first elected African American governor of a U.S. state since Reconstruction, serving Virginia from 1990 to 1994. In 2009 he founded the United States National Slavery Museum in Fredericksburg, Virginia. Founded based on a vision he unveiled in 2001, the museum was to house a full-scale slave ship replica, a theater and library with an expected two million people visiting each year.

But it never fully came to fruition. A garden created in 2007 now lies “covered in thick snarls of thorns and vines” and is “strangled by weeds and debt.”[14] While just 74 miles to the north, the National Museum of African American History and Culture did finally open its doors in 2016, Virginia’s approach to the subject is scattershot, with collections mainly hosted within larger entities, such as the Black History Museum and Cultural Center of Virginia and Virginia Museum of History and Culture.  This lack of prioritization and ongoing battles to honestly depict the impact of slavery in state textbooks reflect the continued marginalization of the Black community in Virginia.

From the perspective of makeup, timing of their launch and programs, the creation of these “fellow” advisory boards differ greatly from VIAB while giving VIAB cover for one of its most interesting aspects—a presence of Jewish establishment leadership via state mandated quota and majority board membership by Jewish activists.

The Jewish federations that created VIAB have been around a long time. Richmond’s dates back to 1942, Virginia Peninsula 1971 and Greater Washington 1953. It would have been problematic and counterproductive for its enabling legislation to state that “most of VIAB’s members must be upstanding Jewish citizen activists dedicated to advancing Israel.” Since the goal of forming VIAB was generating political influence inside government to economically aid Israel and VIAB board members, the quota mandates a Jewish federation role through four designated members. That alone does not, like the later boards created by state law, ensure that the majority of members serving on VIAB’s board are Jewish. And yet they are.

The Jewish Federations of North America, umbrella of all American Jewish federations, uses a specific procedure to identify the numbers of Jews within any given population called “distinctive Jewish names,” or DJN. The Jewish Federations of North America obtains and electronic listing of names and then compares them to a database of DJNs.[15] For example, when the JFN performed this lookup in 2011, its stated key findings were:

Estimates from the 2011 DJN update study: Just under 10,000 Jewish persons live in 5,000 Jewish households (HH) in the Richmond, VA area. An additional 3,100 non-Jewish persons live in these households (24% of the total of 13,000 people in Richmond Jewish HH).

Applying the DJN process[16] to a list of VIAB board members serving between 2005-2018 reveals that 68 percent are Jewish. However, since many Jewish board members serve multiple terms and non-Jews serve fewer multiple terms, Jews are occupying appointed VIAB board seats 80 percent of the time.



Virginia Board




Virginia Asian Advisory Board

Asian American



Virginia Latino Advisory Board

Latino American



Virginia African American Advisory Board

African American



Virginia Israel Advisory Board

Jewish American




Ethno-religious Virginia State board member participation by quota or other

This means that while the other board quotas require an average ethnic participation rate by law averaging 76 percent, VIAB’s Jewish participation rate is four percent higher. Since Jewish participation quotas are not statutorily mandated in VIAB’s enabling law, what is causing this greater ethno-religious concentration, and does it have any downsides?

One can reasonably assume a great deal of state legislative appointments are motivated by VIAB member campaign contributions. Marcus Weinstein, in addition to his impressive philanthropic accomplishments, can probably rest easy that his nearly $300,000 in campaign contributions buys him enough sway with his state representative to guarantee multiple terms. The same umbrella likely creates opportunities for Jewish members who don’t make many contributions. If Marcus, Gottschalk or Lessin recommend fellow Jews to be nominated, it likely carries a great deal of weight.

While non-Jews obviously also serve as members on the board, they do not appear to offer any adversarial views or criticism, at least, not as revealed in official board minutes. Non-Jewish members can apparently become dissidents. Todd Patterson Haymore was a designated member of VIAB’s board serving three terms (2010-2011, 2011-2012 and 2016-2017). But his views that VIAB’s self-proclaimed contributions to Virginia’s tax revenue were “inflated without merit” only came as he was exiting state government, and only to a small circle of non-VIAB state government employees. It has had no impact on VIAB continuing to claim large benefits to Virginia without providing any substantiations of its widely touted numbers. It also seems unlikely that any legislator or governor would appoint a non-VIAB vetted, knowledgeable public watchdog adversary to the VIAB board for the reasons explored in the discussion about Virginia’s campaign contributions realities in Chapter 2.

So, one important downside to VIAB’s board membership homogeneity is an overwhelming culture of non-self-criticism and aversion to adversarial views. This VIAB has the power to impact Virginia’s economy in similar ways to the legislature or Virginia Economic Development Partnership, and yet it has none of their built-in checks and balances.

 In contrast, Virginia’s Asian American community and its board is anything but homogeneous despite the quota, hailing from different cultures, countries, religions and languages from across a vast region. VAAB did not form as an agency of a unified power bloc in Virginia, and therefore its state mandated quota is based on ethnicity, and not association with any state based interest group. The same can be said for the Virginia Latino Advisory Board.

What the Asian and Latino boards do provide is cover for VIAB. They allow board members to say, “see, this is a normal thing in Virginia. Other ethno religious groups are forming boards too.” This is, of course, not true. The Asian and Latino boards did not come out of programs and policy objectives of large, established, empowered interest groups. Their objectives are those of fragmented communities struggling for basic needs, without the wealth and networks of well-formed interest groups. They are also still struggling to define their own identity, with the Asian board working to further sub-segment its membership to better understand its own diversity. These state boards aren’t forming out of grassroots empowerment.

In February of 2019, Governor Ralph Northam faced widespread calls for resignation, including from the Virginia Legislative Caucus after photos emerged from a 1984 medical school yearbook. One photo on his yearbook page portrayed a student in Ku Klux Klan robes, alongside another student in blackface. After initially taking responsibility for the photo, he later denied that it was him, though he admitted applying the same type of makeup to portray Michael Jackson in a dance contest.

Northam made efforts to repair relations by attending a symposium on the role of historically black colleges and universities as a note-taking participant. He also hired a “Director of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion” to address unequal treatment in state government. Taken together, supporting the creation of and appointing a governor’s board, conducting understanding tours, and hiring for diversity awareness can be seen as top-down attempts to repair his image when it comes to state race relations.

In 2014 Democratic Party senator Chap Petersen representing Fairfax and environs (whose wife was of Korean descent) and Korean American Lawyer Mark Keam (D-Vienna) filed draft legislation to create the “Virginia-Korea Advisory Board” modeled on VIAB.[17] Hoping to leverage the presence of “100,000 Korean Americans living in Virginia” as a base, the pair wanted to obtain a budget and springboard the new entity into existence. The effort failed. None of the preconditions that allowed VIAB to come into being exist in this community. Although there is a significant population base in Falls Church and Annandale, there is little visible community organizing or culture of nonprofit giving. The nonprofit Korean American Society of Virginia focuses on education, but raises less than $100,000 per year. The Korean-American Association of Greater Washington does not even appear to be incorporated or raising funds.

VIAB Board Member Causes and Campaign Contributions

Campaign contributions are central to VIAB’s political power and influence. Overall, VIAB board members have contributed more than $1.5 million to state politicians from 2005-2018 according to data available on the Virginia Public Access Project campaign contribution  database.[18]

Virginia real estate mogul and VIAB board member Marcus M. Weinstein has career campaign contributions to state politicians totaling nearly $300,000. Weinstein has been appointed to the VIAB board by the state house from 2008-2018. He started out in 1952 building single-family homes around Richmond and expanded into apartment buildings and commercial real estate. His Weinstein Properties manages more than 18,000 apartments.

Along with his wife, Carole, Marcus Weinstein gives heavily (25.5 million) to the University of Richmond, their alma mater. He chairs the Virginia Holocaust Museum and gives heavily to the Richmond federation and its Jewish Community Relations Council building bears his name. They also gave $5 million to build a cyber security engineering building which also bears their name at Ben-Gurion University in Israel.[19] Weinstein gave heavily to elect Governor Ralph Northam  ($35,000) and like many other VIAB board members prioritized giving to fellow VIAB board member Eileen Filler-Corn’s election campaign for the House of Delegates ($12,500).

The Virginia General Assembly provided the current building—the American Tobacco Company Warehouse—for the Virginia Holocaust Museum in Richmond. It is located on prime riverfront property and undergoing renovations expected to be completed in 2020.

Eileen Filler-Corn ran for Democratic Party delegate in 2010 and since served in the crucial 41st district of Fairfax County. If VIAB board members have anything in common, it was their support for her run. In addition to Weinstein, she received campaign contributions from Richard S. Samet ($4,630), Mel Chaskin, ($1,000), Charles Lessin ($500) and Steven David Stone ($3,074) for a total of $46,282 in fellow VIAB board member contributions. Emphasizing support for public schools in her run, Filler-Corn could be key to the success of winning contracts for Energix in Northern Virginia.

Long-time military contractor Mel Chaskin became a member of the VIAB board through sequential two-year appointments by the state house since the year 2005. Becoming chairman then requires only a routine, perfunctory nomination, seconded and the passed by VIAB board members voting at a meeting. Chaskin as always received those nominations and votes, and only ever served as Chairman. He has given nearly $80,000 to politicians across the state, from small mayoral races to county boards of supervisors. There is an almost transitional relationship in the gradual winding down of Chaskin’s U.S. military contracting and the rise of Oran Safety Glass, as explored later. What is unknowable to any but Vanguard Research insiders are whether the company has been secretly doing paid work with Israeli military contractors to transfer operations to Virginia that are then implemented by VIAB. Chaskin’s leadership of VIAB is a clear indication of its dedication to not just Israeli companies, but Israeli military contractors.

VIAB, like most of the Jewish federations, has close ties the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. Irving M. Blank, who lists his work for VIAB as “1996-present” was a member of AIPAC’s national council as well as the National Jewish Community Relations Council.  He is a personal injury attorney at Blank and Marcus. A departing, young, disgruntled staff member of AIPAC—after proving his own bona fides—a few years ago told the author that federations and JCRCs serve as “lily pads” for astroturfing AIPAC initiatives across the country.

Board member Sam Asher is the Executive Director of Richmond’s Holocaust Museum. Before signing on, he raised $23 million for the Jewish Federation of Delaware and is Executive Director of the Jewish Community Federation.

Former Republican Party Governor of Virginia George Allen has also served as a VIAB board member (2005-2008). In 2006 while finishing his first term in the U.S. Senate, he ran for a second term against Democratic Party nominee Jim Webb, former Secretary of the Navy and retired Air Force officer Gail Parker. Allen torpedoed his own campaign on August 11, 2006 during a campaign stop on the Kentucky border. He accused a man taking video of his event, S. R. Sidarth, of being a “tracker” for opponent Webb. He used the term “macaca” meaning “monkey” referring to the dark complexioned Sidarth and implying he was not a Virginia native:

This fellow here over here with the yellow shirt, Macaca, or whatever his name is. He's with my opponent... Let's give a welcome to Macaca, here. Welcome to America and the real world of Virginia.

Sidarth, of Indian ancestry, was born and raised in Fairfax County. Webb won by a large margin. Allan most likely learned the African racial slur from his mother, Henrietta “Etty” Allen who had a Jewish upbringing in Tunisia before moving to the U.S. and concealing the religious aspect of her identity. In 2006 she told her son, who had not been raised Jewish that:

…she and the senator's father, famed former Redskins coach George Allen, had wanted to protect their children from living with the fear that she had experienced during World War II. Her father, Felix Lumbroso, was imprisoned by the Nazis during the occupation of Tunis.[20]

VIAB’s other former board members of note include Tommy P. Baer, (2007-2010) an immigration and divorce lawyer who escaped Nazi Germany. Senator Eric Cantor’s wife Diana also served as a Senate appointee from 2005-2008.[21] And the highly influential Anne Holton who served on VIAB’s board from 2015-2016 while working as state Secretary of Education. She just happens to be married to Senator Tim Kaine.

Previous Table of Contents Next

[1] Hoch, Dov, “What VIAB Does and How it Benefits Virginia,” speech at the Weinstein Jewish Community Center, Richmond, VA, April 4, 2019. Introduction and remarks by former president of the Jewish Federation of Richmond Nathan Shor

[2] Jewish Virtual Library, State-to-State Cooperation: Virginia and Israel

[3] Katz, Justin, Washington Jewish Week, May 25, 2017, “Va. business rep doing his last Israel deals”

[4] Smith, Grant F. 2016, IRmep, Washington, D.C. pages 308-312, “Big Israel, How Israel’s Lobby Moves America”

[5] Smith, Grant F. 2016, IRmep, Washington, D.C. page 317, “Big Israel, How Israel’s Lobby Moves America.”

[6], Israel Lobby Archive, “FBI investigates AIPAC for espionage and theft of government property in 1984.

[7] The Jewish Community Relations Committee (JCRC) of the Jewish Community Federation of Richmond (JCFR) states that it is “the central public affairs arm of the organized Jewish community and focuses its programs and advocacy on four pillars;

1.        Promoting religious freedom and the separation of church and state,

2.        Supporting a democratic, strong and peaceful Israel, as the homeland and nation-state of the Jewish people,

3.        The eradication of all forms of racism and anti-Semitism,

4.        The safety and well-being of Jewish agencies, organizations, and individuals in the Richmond community and environs.”

[8] Since this region includes portions of Maryland and Washington, DC as well as northern Virginia, revenue, employees and staff member figures presented here are divided by one-third.

[9] Jewish Community Federation of Richmond, 2017 IRS Form 990, filed on November 11, 2018.

[10] See the Appendix.

[11], Israel Lobby Archive, February 28, 2018 “The Institute for Curriculum Services (ICS) formally requests changes to Virginia textbooks and teacher guides in coordination with Jewish Community Relations Councils (JCRCs)”

[12] Jewish Community Federation of Richmond, Letter to Christonya Brown, History and Social Science Coordinator, Office of Humanities and Early Childhood , Virginia Department of Education, February, 28, 2018

[13] Virginia’s Legislative Information System, Department of Planning and Budget 2019 Fiscal Impact Statement, HB2767, Virginia African American Advisory Board

[14] Atlas Obscura, “Abandoned National Slavery Museum: An overgrown garden stands as a grim marker of an unrealized dream.”

[16] It is the author’s view that the DJN methodology is imprecise even when used to estimate large populations. Wherever possible the application of DJN to the VIAB board members on the list was supplemented by reviewing member biographies and public statements to boost accuracy.

[17] Delegate Mark Keam, Virginia’s 35th House District, media release, January 14, 2014, “Announcing Bills to Create Virginia-Korea Advisory Board to Bring Jobs and Develop Economic Partnership”

[18] Virginia Public Access Project,

[19] American Associates of Ben-Gurion University, November 20, 2014, “Carole and Marcus Weinstein Building Named at BGU”

[20] Shear, Michael D., September 22, 2006, The Chicago Tribune, “Mom's secret stirs campaign”

[21] Full listings of VIAB board members, appointing entity, terms and campaign contributions appear in the appendix.